A couple
of days after Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas declared a halt to hostilities,
I met with a few of the many journalists and commentators who roam
our streets. They did not think peace had much of a chance. Hamas
had already fired rockets into an Israeli settlement in defiance,
and Sharon has long shown he is willing to respond to any provocation
with more than equal force. Like all of us here, these journalists
had seen many cease-fires and declarations come to nothing. A few
of them knew colleagues who had been killed.
The mood was so sour that I—a children’s
psychiatrist by profession—was suddenly struck by the feeling
that I was in a counseling session, trying to instill hope in the
hearts of traumatized youngsters. “Do you really trust Hamas
to stop terror?” one of the journalists asked me. “Even
when they announce that they are not bound by the agreement?”
To his obvious shock I replied, “Yes.”
I have spent many years observing Hamas at close range
as it has grown from a small Islamic religious movement into a major
army. I have been debating politics with its leaders and members for
a long, long time. That experience leads me to believe that Hamas
will very soon transform into a political party and will seriously
contemplate taking over the government by democratic means.
There are sound reasons for my optimism. The first is
that Hamas finally has an incentive to halt terrorist activity. For
years, its raison d’etre has been military action.
But Hamas has just achieved an astounding victory in municipal elections
in the Gaza Strip, winning 70 percent of the seats in local councils.
Fatah, the ruling party that had long dominated the political scene,
was roundly defeated. Hamas has a guaranteed political future when
it chooses to abandon the armed struggle. Furthermore, close observers
have noted important signs of change within Hamas over time. From
remarks made by its spiritual leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, before
his assassination by the Israelis last year, we understand that Hamas
is now prepared to accept a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. And as the recent elections showed, Hamas now participates
fully in the democratic process—something that it once called
a Western conspiracy, and even a sin.
Many Palestinians
express horror at the atrocities…but go on to say, “The
Israelis deserve what they get until they stop killing our children.”
Hamas is becoming more organized, more sophisticated
and more confident in itself. For example, in the first intifada,
Hamas was quick to charge people with collaboration with Israel and
to kill them. That was a sign of insecurity. The Hamas of today pledges
not to kill fellow Palestinians, but instead urges the Palestinian
Authority to enforce its laws.
This confidence has grown as popular support for Hamas
has increased, thanks to its wide network of social programs, its
incorruptible image, its adherence to Islamic morals and, most importantly,
its record of fighting Israel. It is important to understand that
while suicide bombings have made Hamas synonymous with terror to many,
Palestinians see these tactics as a way to balance the terror Israel
shoves down our throats. Many Palestinians express horror at the atrocities
perpetrated by Hamas in the streets of Jerusalem, but go on to say,
“The Israelis deserve what they get until they stop killing
our children.”
In short, Hamas has earned its popular support and it
does not want to lose that support, nor its role in the future of
Palestine. And that is why I believe it will cooperate with Abu Mazen,
as Palestinians respectfully refer to President Abbas. It is precisely
because Hamas has such a strong grass-roots base that it recognizes
that most Palestinians have learned that violence only inspires retaliation.
The leaders of Hamas have repeatedly declared their
respect for Abbas and for the democratic process that elected him.
And though there have been violent incidents by defiant elements,
the organization’s leaders quickly backed down when the president
denounced the attacks. Abu Mazen’s quick response to the breaching
of the cease-fire, besides speaking out against Hamas he sacked top
generals and declared a state of emergency—reflects a man willing
to go beyond the vocabulary of peace. He is showing conviction, courage,
and determination. In contrast to the late Yasser Arafat, he does
not see peace as just one tactic, along with violent struggle, for
getting Israel to accept a Palestinian state. While Abbas shares the
goal of statehood, he believes that only peace can bring it about.
—Dr. El Sarraj is a Palestinian psychiatrist
in Gaza
12,000 homes demolished in the Occupied
Territories since 1967
Israel
Halts Some Palestinian Home Demolitions
“There is no recognition that making innocent people
suffer for the crimes of a family member is simply wrong by any reasonable
ethical standard.”
Israeli
Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz has called a halt to the policy of punitive
home demolitions of the homes of Palestinian suicide bombers and their
families. It is another positive development in recent days. The particular
policy of punitive demolitions has been controversial since its implementation.
There is an obvious injustice in having the entire family of any criminal,
terrorist or otherwise, pay for the crimes of one individual.
The obvious moral question has always been, “How
would you feel if you were made homeless because of the crime of your
son or your brother or your sister?” Would any of us consider
deterrence an acceptable excuse for such a practice, even in time
of war? It seems unimaginable that anyone would if we were the subjects
of such a policy. Yet somehow, many people seemed able to live with
it when it was applied to the Palestinians. That an Israeli military
investigation determined that the practice was not even an effective
deterrent makes the suffering of 270 Palestinian families affected
by the policy in the past two years all the more tragic.
It should be noted that the failure of this policy to
deter acts of violence against Israelis is the sole stated reason
for the discontinuation of the policy. There is no recognition that
making innocent people suffer for the crimes of a family member is
simply wrong by any reasonable ethical standard. The closest anyone
comes is the former chief of the Central Command, Gen. Yitzhak Eitan,
who said that the policy actually motivated more violence out of vengeance.
“House demolitions
had the opposite effect from what Israel expected. The policy turned
into an incentive for attacks motivated by vengeance.”
An internal army study published at the end of 2003
summing up the first 1,000 days of the conflict, said that “as
of today, there is no proof of the deterrent influence of the house
demolitions.” The number of attacks, said the report, even rose
after the army began demolishing houses. Eitan, in charge of the Central
Command of the intifada, said that the house demolitions had the opposite
effect from what Israel expected. He said the policy turned into an
incentive for attacks motivated by vengeance.
Perhaps of greatest importance, however, is that home
demolitions are not usually carried out for punitive reasons. In 2004,
according to the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem,
184 houses were demolished for punitive reasons, while 1609 were demolished
either for permit violations or for ‘military purposes’,
which generally means to clear space for settlements, bypass roads
or army outposts. The announced change applies only to punitive demolitions.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD)
welcomed the decision of the Israeli Army to halt its policy of demolishing
Palestinian houses either as punishment for acts of violence or as
a deterrent measure. This policy constituted a clear violation of
international law, both because it by-passed due process of law in
cases where perpetrators were punished before being tried and because
it constitutes collective punishment against the families of perpetrators
who are innocent of any crime. The IDF committee recommending the
cessation of punitive demolitions did so only because, in its evaluation,
demolitions generate more resistance than deterrence among the Palestinians.
It is important to point out that punitive demolitions
represent only a small part of house demolitions. The Palestinian
homes demolished under this policy represent less than 10 percent
of the 4000-5000 Palestinian homes demolished during the four years
of the Intifada and only three percent of the 12,000 homes demolished
in the Occupied Territories since 1967. Fully 60 percent of the Palestinian
homes demolished during the intifada were destroyed in military operations.
More than 1000 homes of innocent Palestinian civilians with no connection
to violence or resistance were demolished by court order because the
families were unable to obtain building permits. This last type of
demolition, intended to confine the Palestinian population to small
enclaves in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, continues apace.
—from Jewish Voice for Peace
and ICAHD reports
Jewish Voice for Peace is part of the campaign to get the Illinois
Caterpillar Corporation to stop selling its bulldozers to the Israeli
army for the purpose of home demolition.
For more information visit www.catdestroyshomes.org
By Nathan Guttman, Washington
Getting Tight with the
Bible Belt
“I try to strengthen the Jewish-Christian
common denominator
which has a scathing dispute with Islam.”
Knesset
Member Benny Elon (National Union Party) invests more time and effort
than any other Israeli in nurturing the relationship with Evangelical
Christians in the US. As minister of tourism during the intifada,
Elon promoted visits by Evangelical churches to Israel. He still attends
their conferences, speaking out against diplomatic compromise on the
Land of Israel.
In Elon’s view, it is a productive relationship.
Evangelical churches in the United States, with a combined membership
of more than 50 million, are the closest thing to Israel’s Yesha
Council of Settlements on the other side of the Atlantic. Church leaders
believe the Land of Israel belongs to Jews, and that only after the
Jews settle the land will Jesus be able to return. There is a minor
argument, of course, over what will happen in the end of days—these
Evangelicals believe Jews will either cease to exist or will convert
to Christianity—but this argument is on hold for now.
At a major conference of evangelical broadcasters in
Anaheim California recently, Elon introduced his soon-to-be-released
book, “God’s Covenant with Israel: Establishing Biblical
Boundaries in Today’s World.” The book is a first
attempt to formulate in writing the points of agreement and cooperation
between Israel and Evangelical Christians in the US. For Elon, it
is also a first attempt to join politics and the Bible in the discourse
between the two sides.
“I don’t play it objective,” says
Elon about his book. He says that in his numerous encounters with
Christian believers around the US he has felt a breach between the
cold discussion of political and diplomatic issues, and the spiritual
religious experience, as expressed in outbursts of Hallelujah
and Amen by believers. Elon feels that he is now tying together
the loose ends and essentially giving religious-biblical underpinnings
to his diplomatic doctrine. “If Sharansky is going for democracy
and shared values, and Netanyahu is going for the war on terror, then
I am going for the Bible,” he says.
Aside from emphasizing the Jewish-Christian partnership
in the matter of the Bible and the Land of Israel, the book also devotes
extensive discussion to the third side—the Muslims. “I
try to strengthen the Jewish-Christian common denominator, which has
a scathing dispute with Islam,” he says. “I’m not
proposing to burn down mosques or make provocations, but neither am
I suggesting that the common enemy be disregarded.” As Elon
sees it, while Christians and Jews agree on a single historical and
chronological outlook, Islam rejects it and proposes an alternative.
This is particularly true when it comes to the issue of choice. The
Muslims, Elon writes in his book, do not accept the historical story
according to which at each stage God chose one and rejected the others,
and therefore the People of Israel, the descendants of Jacob, are
the chosen people.
Israel has viewed the American Evangelical community
as a significant source of support for more than two decades. What
began as a marginal dalliance between groups in the Israeli right
and leaders of the Evangelical Church has become one of the primary
channels of contact between the official State of Israel and American
Christians. Along the way, this alliance has succeeded in overcoming
more than a few hurdles—the established Jewish community in
the US at first responded coolly to the closer relations while expressing
reservations about the rightist approach of the Evangelicals in American
politics, an approach that is alien to most of the Jewish community;
nor did the previous Democratic administration have much fondness
for this church.
Shifts in the American and Israeli political maps—as
well as the intifada, which damaged Israel’s standing in the
international community—removed most of the hurdles that stood
in the way of the closer links between Israel and the Evangelicals.
They were the only group to support Israel without reservation in
the past few years, and one of the only groups to send delegations
of tourists—church members—to Jerusalem at a time when
the hotels stood empty.
Liberal Jews are still uncomfortable with the alliance
between Israel and the Evangelicals, who represent all that the traditional
political and social values of the Jewish community are not. They
also warn that, in the long term, this closeness will harm Israel’s
status and image in the American mainstream and among its ruling elites.
But the American Jewish establishment has taken the approach that
this is not a time to be picky about the choice of friends and allies.
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
By Uri Avnery, in Tikkun magazine
Dunam After Dunam*
“Twenty percent of the citizens
of Israel [Arabs] are denied the right
to buy a home in large parts of the country.”
What
would we say if an American institution, holding a seventh of all
the land in the United States, adopted statutes that allowed it to
sell or rent land only to White Anglo-Saxon Protestants? We would
not believe it. And it is, indeed, impossible. But that’s the
way things are in Israel. This us now the subject of a stormy public
debate.
These are the facts: The Jewish National Fund [KKL in
Hebrew] holds 13 percent of all the land in Israel. Its statutes explicitly
prohibit the sale or rental of land to non-Jews. This means that every
Jew in the world, living anywhere from Timbuktu to Kamchatka, can
get land from the KKL—without even coming to Israel!—while
an Arab citizen of Israel, whose forefathers have lived here for hundreds
or even thousands of years, cannot acquire a house or an apartment
on its land.
The debate arose after a recent ruling of the Israeli
Supreme Court which proscribed discrimination between citizens in
the distribution of land. On the strength of this, the KKL has
*One dunam = 1000
square meters—one-quarter of an acre—a Turkish measure
still used in Israel.
been sued. Now the Attorney General has decided that
the Government cannot discriminate against Arab citizens, even while
distributing land belonging to the KKL. This is all very nice, but
there is a ‘but.’ The best legal brains looked for a way
out: How to keep the discrimination alive in spite of the court’s
decision? No Problem. The Attorney General simply proposes that for
every dunam that the KKL will have to distribute—God forbid!—to
Arabs, the government will compensate it with another dunam somewhere
else. The alternative land will be in the ‘peripheral’
areas, the Negev desert and the Galilee, where it is much more profitable.
Thus the cake will be divided but remain whole.
In this situation, 20 percent of the citizens of Israel
[one million Arabs are citizens of Israel] are denied the right to
buy a home in large parts of the country, while this right is enjoyed
by Jews living in Brooklyn and Odessa.
Temple Mount Guarded Against Jewish Extremists
Dozens
of police reinforcements have been deployed around Jerusalem’s
disputed mosque compound for fear of an attack by Jewish extremists
trying to sabotage the Gaza pullout plan. Around 40 extra officers
have been deployed to the site inside the walled Old City recently,
while around a million dollars has been allocated for police to acquire
electronic surveillance equipment.
The mosque compound, which is called Al-Haram al-Sharif
(Noble Sanctuary) by Muslims, shelters the Dome of the Rock and the
Al-Aqsa Mosque. The site is also revered by Jews as it was once the
site of the Jewish temple, the holiest shrine in Judaism, which was
destroyed by the Romans in 70 CE. Israel’s domestic intelligence
Shin Beth uncovered a plot in the early 1980s to detonate a huge explosion
in the compound in a bid to derail the peace agreement with Egypt.
A controversial visit there by then opposition leader Ariel Sharon
on September 28, 2000, sparked clashes between Palestinians and the
Israeli police that led to the eruption of the intifada,
or uprising.
Sharon’s plan to pull troops and settlers out
of the Gaza Strip by the end of 2005 has attracted increasingly virulent
opposition, with extremists even threatening to dig up the premier’s
late wife from her grave. The Israeli parliament has approved a one-billion-dollar
compensation package night for the 8,000 Gaza settlers, and around
300 inhabitants of four small Jewish enclaves in the northern West
Bank who are also to be evacuated.
—Agence France Presse
By Sally Hunsberger, Christian
Peacemaker Team in Hebron
Shepherd
Engages in Non-Violent Resistance.
A standoff
occurred between a Palestinian shepherd, Israeli military, and police
when the shepherd refused to leave his grazing land. An angry, armed
settler and four military soldiers confronted a Palestinian shepherd
accompanied by CPTers Barbara Martens and Sally Hunsberger (while
intentionally grazing his sheep on Palestinian land next to an illegal
Israeli settlement). In the past, while shepherding at a greater distance
from the illegal Jewish Ma’on settlement, settlers chased him
from his land.
The settler got out of his jeep and immediately approached
Martens and Hunsberger, yelling: “I hate you!” “Go
back home!” “Why are you here?” “You Americans,
go give back your land to the Indians.” One of the soldiers
accompanying the settler, yelled, “Look what you have done in
Iraq, Afghanistan, and Vietnam.”
Martens replied, “I am Canadian, and you are right.
I have opposed my own government because of its mistreatment of the
First Nations people.” When Martens tried to draw the settler
into conversation by asking him, “How do you see that there
could be peace here?” he refused to answer, moving back to the
group of soldiers.
Martens called the police to intervene in the standoff
and the Israeli District Coordinating Officer (DCO) for corroboration
of the Palestinian ownership of this land. In spite of the intimidation
by the settler and soldiers, the shepherd stood his ground. His family
joined him up on the hillside, quietly standing in solidarity with
him. After three hours of standoff, the DCO arrived. The final decision
was to call a meeting three days later of only Israelis—settlers,
and authorities—to determine the status of the land. Once again,
Palestinians are excluded when future land ownership of currently
owned Palestinian land is being determined.
—CPT release. Christian Peacemaker
Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction. More
information: http://www.cpt.org
Jimmy Carter Visits Nazareth Village
“He seemed touched…when the guide spoke about
Jesus’ mandate for his followers to love their enemies, even
during Roman occupation, violence, and turmoil.”
Former
US President Jimmy Carter, in the Middle East as observer for the
Palestinian elections, found time to drive north to Nazareth to visit
‘Nazareth Village,’ a full-scale replica of a Roman-period
Jewish town showing life in the time of Jesus. President Carter and
wife Rosalyn have been honorary chairs for Nazareth Village since
the inception of the idea in 1997. Accompanied this time by former
New Jersey Governor Christie Whitman and former Swedish Prime Minister
Carl Bildt, Carter toured the village with a group that included the
Nazareth mayor and board members of the Village.
The group stepped back in time as they toured reconstructions
of first-century houses, an olive press, a wine press, and an ancient
synagogue. Nazareth Village Executive director, Michael Hostetler,
guided the tour. President Carter was surprised to discover this fascinating
site in the heart of modern Nazareth, just few blocks away from where
Jesus grew up. He expressed interest in the numbers of visitors to
the site and their religious affiliations. He urged NV staff to invite
religious leaders beyond those of the Christian faith to visit, adding
that he had already encouraged Muslim leaders in Jerusalem to do so.
Carter, a peanut farmer from Georgia, former leader
of the first world, and Nobel Peace Prize winner, was given a typical
first-century meal with fresh bread baked over the open fire, thyme,
olive oil, cheese, and olives. During the meal he heard an explanation
of the significance of gathering around the table for food in Middle
Eastern cultures—a symbol of reconciliation between opponents.
Himself a veteran Sunday school teacher, Carter was impressed by the
message of life and teachings of Jesus conveyed throughout the tour.
He seemed touched by the Village scriptural cornerstone when it was
read from Luke 4:17-19, and also when the guide spoke about Jesus’
mandate for his followers to love their enemies even during a time
of Roman occupation, violence, and turmoil.
The tour concluded with the presentation of a set replica
of ancient ceramic oil lamps as symbols of light which Jesus calls
his followers to be. Just before departing, Carter expressed interest
in a future visit to Nazareth with his wife, Rosalyn.
**For photos of Jimmy Carter at Nazareth
Village, click here or
on http://mennonitechurch.ca/news/jerusalemletter/
We welcome your letters about the articles
we include,
or your suggestions on other topics you would like to read about.
Glenn Edward Witmer is the North American
Mennonite Church representative in Israel, as well as Administrator
and Director of Program Development and Publication for the Bat
Kol Institute, Jerusalem. His responsibilities include teaching
in the Biblical literacy program in the land of the Bible.
Please visit www.batkol.info.